Welcome to The Counter-Terrorism Page. The CTPage has been existence - on and off - since 1994, and was the first web sites dedicated to the study of Counter-Terrorism, violent political movements, and low intensity conflict.
The CTPage has undergone many incarnations over the years, but has consistently retained a focus on the study of CT, free from hyperbole. Steering away from judgements is an objective we have aspired to.
To achieve this objective, we have focused on presenting information, and not our own analysis. As a result you will discover information from a variety of open sources including Governments, NGOs, Academics and professionals. Each may have their own point of view, and we hope that this approach will inform the discussion, rather than act as advocate for any point of view.
Naturally, all content does reflect the author's point of view, but we hope that by presenting diverse well structured and credible information we will assist understanding of the context for terrorism and terrorist activities. Our hope is that this can inform the development of policy, strategy, and analysis.
NEW YORK (Reuters) - Computer hackers briefly hijacked Twitter.com on Thursday, redirecting its users to a website where a group calling itself "Iranian Cyber Army" claimed responsibility for the disruption.
It was unlikely that the Iranian government itself was involved despite its dislike of social networking sites and years of discord with the United States over its nuclear program, experts said.
Twitter was apparently disrupted for about two hours by the group, which replaced the Twitter home page with a headline reading "This site has been hacked by Iranian Cyber Army" and an anti-American message.
Assam: Crippling the ULFA Wasbir Hussain Associate Fellow, Institute for Conflict Management, New Delhi; Director, Centre for Development and Peace Studies, Guwahati
Trans-border terror in South Asia received a severe setback on November 4, 2009, when two top leaders of the separatist United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) fell into the hands of the Indian Security Forces (SFs). The official version of the story is that ULFA’s self-styled ‘foreign secretary’ Sashadhar Choudhury and ‘finance secretary’ Chitraban Hazarika were trying to sneak back into India from Bangladesh, when they were captured by Border Security Force (BSF) troopers near Gokulnagar in Tripura. The duo was then handed over to a visiting Assam Police team on November 6, who brought them over to Guwahati and produced before a magistrate. The next day, the magistrate sent them on a ten-day Police remand. Though there is reason to believe that the duo were actually picked up by Bangladesh authorities and informally handed over to the Indian side, there are complex reasons why both New Delhi and Dhaka prefer that people believe the official version. In any event, the fact remains that the pair has been captured and is now in Indian custody, after years on the run.
KIM BARKER is Edward R. Murrow Press Fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations.
Part I: Corruption
In his inauguration speech, Afghan President Hamid Karzai stressed the importance of the country's fight against corruption and spoke of his commitment to ending "the culture of impunity and violations of law." Afghans, however, reacted warily: they are waiting to see action, which has been in short supply in Afghanistan. Corruption has grown around Karzai like a fungus, touching almost every ministry and office. As Karzai begins his new term, this pervasive culture of graft is blamed for driving a wedge between Afghans and their government -- even driving some toward the Taliban.
Western officials have demanded that the Afghan government take decisive action against corruption, but such pressure may be counterproductive. Karzai has grown increasingly resentful of Western criticism, both because such treatment comes across as disrespectful in Pashtun culture and because Karzai believes that standing up to the United States will make him more popular with Afghans. Pressuring Karzai too often simply pushes him into a defensive crouch.
In recent Hill testimony, directors of U.S. intelligence agencies stated a new terrorist attack against the United States is possible in the next six months. In response to this forecast, Bruce Riedel explains why the Obama administration should increase pressure on al Qaeda's core in Pakistan, Afghanistan and Yemen.
For the last few years, Somalia has held the top spot in both the Index of Failed States and the Fragile States Index. Mwangi Kimenyi discusses the number of factors that make Somalia an increasingly volatile country and urges for a broad international mandate to build a new state.
In recent Hill testimony, directors of U.S. intelligence agencies stated a new terrorist attack against the United States is possible in the next six months. Although groups like al Qaeda of the Arabian Peninsula are rightly claiming the attention of U.S. national security officials, Dan Byman argues that Pakistan remains the locus of terrorist activity and that any solutions have to begin there.
At the International Conference on Afghanistan, President Hamid Karzai issued a prominent call for reconciliation with the Taliban. However, as troops on the ground work to strengthen Afghan forces and local leadership, Michael O’Hanlon and Hassina Sherjan argue that an agreement with the Taliban could prove detrimental to security and stability in the region.
Last month, peace talks to bring an end to four decades of Islamist insurgency in the southern Philippines resumed, with both the government and the main secessionist group, the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), making optimistic pronouncements about this round of talks. But many are less hopeful, noting the negotiations' wearying start-and-stop trend.
Summary:
That talks between the Philippine government and the secessionist group Moro Islamic Liberation Front have restarted is a good sign, but the hope of some officials that an accord can be reached soon seems overly optimistic.
Until recently, the United States viewed Iraq's upcoming parliamentary elections on March 7 as a reflection of the country's stability and self-sufficiency -- the main ingredient needed if Washington is going to successfully end its engagement there. But the legitimacy of the elections was jeopardized earlier this month, when the country's de-Baathification board barred 511 candidates from running, citing their alleged ties to Saddam Hussein's Baath Party.
Summary:
The recent ban of more than 500 candidates from Iraq's upcoming elections is designed to cement the power of the country's Shiite Islamists aligned with Iran. Will this latest sectarian rupture sink any hopes for a stable Iraq?
Simply put, using the anti-Baathist card to revive sectarian conflict is essentially a comeback strategy played by the Iran-affiliated Shiite Islamists.
What the United States must provide, then, is not an overhaul of Iraq's political system but a sign of hope and attention for all those who have been intimidated by Lami and his commission.
Paula: The recent attempted bombing of an airplane on Christmas Day highlighted the danger posed by Islamic extremism and terrorist groups in Yemen. In what sense (if any) are the issues facing Afghanistan and Yemen related? What parallels should the United States draw between the insurgencies in the two countries? And how are the two conflicts different?
This week, Kim Barker answers reader questions about the conflict in Afghanistan and the Obama administration's plans to send more U.S. troops to the region.
On November 9, some five months after Lebanon's parliamentary elections, the country's two main political blocs finally formed a governing cabinet. Until then, negotiations between the two -- Prime Minister Saad Hariri's Western-backed coalition and the powerful opposition led by Hezbollah -- had been deadlocked over several issues, including Hezbollah's disarmament. One month after reaching the deal, the government adopted a bill allowing Hezbollah to keep its weapons.
Summary:
Demilitarizing Hezbollah is a daunting proposition, but it is a worthy one. The Obama administration should reconsider its hesitance to join British efforts already underway and suspend its ban on official contact with Hezbollah.
Hezbollah, like the IRA 15 years ago, may be ready to shift more decisively into the political realm.
The effort in Lebanon should be confined to back channels and implemented by mid-level U.S. officials until Hezbollah's willingness to cooperate has been established.
At a clandestine meeting in a nondescript Khartoum suburb, a man started reading a list of numbers to me. "Between the census conducted in 1983 and the one conducted in 1993, the nomadic population in South Darfur decreased by just over 5.5 percent," my informant summarized. "This was largely due to the drought, which led to a loss of livestock and forced many nomads into the towns." He resumed his list of numbers. "If we are to believe the recent census, this same nomadic population has increased by 322 percent."
Summary:
In recent years, international attention on Sudan has focused on Darfur. But the regime in Khartoum has been concerned with its own political survival, and with elections looming in the spring, the country's ruling party is prepared to use repression and intimidation to ensure its victory.
